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07-Mar-2016 16:26

But the 2002 Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, better known as the Mc Cain-Feingold Act, specifically prohibited corporations (including non-profits) and unions from engaging in “electioneering communications” intended to influence the outcome of an election.

In the 2008 election cycle, non-campaign organizations of all types—whether they were for-profit corporations, nonprofit groups, or unions—had been prohibited from running broadcast, cable, or satellite communications or advertisements that mentioned a candidate within 60 days of a general election or 30 days of a primary.

To be sure, there were many ways for wealthy individuals or corporations to funnel money to political-action committees.

But in Rove’s long game, 2012 may be just the beginning.

On Wednesday, April 21, 2010, about two dozen Republican power brokers gathered at Karl Rove’s Federal-style town house on Weaver Terrace in northwest Washington, D.

C., to strategize about the fall midterm elections. Back then, as senior adviser to President George W. More important, he was attempting to implement a master plan to build a permanent majority through which Republicans would maintain a stranglehold on all three branches of government for the foreseeable future. It represented a far more grandiose vision—the forging of a historic re-alignment of America’s political landscape, the transformation of America into effectively a one-party state. He had been one of the most powerful unelected officials in the United States, but, to many Republicans, his greatest achievement—engineering the presidency of George W.

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Six years earli­er, he’d held weekly breakfasts for high-level G. After the two biggest political scandals of the dec­ade, the Valerie Plame affair and the outcry following the firing of nine U. attorneys, Rove resigned in 2007 under a cloud of suspicion, barely escaping indictment.His longtime patron then left the White House with the lowest approval rating in the history of the presidency—22 percent.